Shelter and food are two of the most fundamental human needs. An organisation which can provide these in a time of crisis will automatically gain sympathy and influence among the people it helps, and among a wider population who hear of such good work.
This simple fact will one day provide properly prepared nationalists in countries afflicted by mass non-white immigration with a massive opportunity to create a really solid base of support - the kind of fertile soil in which revolutionary changes can take root and bear fruit.
Anyone with even limited knowledge of the history of the thirty-year ‘Troubles’ of Northern Ireland knows that the early stages of the conflict involved the mass movement of internal refugees. The Troubles proper didn’t start with bombs and bullets so much as with bricks through windows and petrol bombs thrown into the houses of neighbours who belonged to the other side.
Successive waves of ‘ethnic cleansing’ saw the population shift from mixed neighbourhoods into starkly defined mono-ethnic enclaves. The dividing lines were quickly marked and sealed off, first by burning barricades thrown up by the residents themselves, then by barbed-wire entanglements erected by the army, and finally by massive ‘peace walls’ installed by the authorities.
This ‘falling apart’ of the different communities actually began peacefully several years before the Troubles exploded in 1968. Almost unnoticed at the time, families voluntarily left streets in which they were isolated minorities and moved into areas already dominated by their own.
The fact that this same process is now quietly going on in English cities such as Leicester (between the different ethno-religious groups themselves, as well as between ‘Asians’ and whites) is a key early warning sign of what is on the way.
When the tensions erupted into communal violence, families who had been living in the ‘wrong’ streets either fled of their own accord, packed up and left after being ordered out, or escaped with just the clothes they stood up in when their homes were smashed up or set on fire. Entire streets on the fault lines between the two communities were burnt to the ground.
The first really big wave was during the riots of August 1969. The Battle of the Bogside began in Londonderry on 12th August and two days later the tensions exploded in West Belfast, with heavy fighting around the Divis Flats, in which a young Catholic boy was killed. That sparked mass communal violence in the area between the Catholic Falls and the Protestant Shankill. When the whole of Bombay Street went up in flames, no isolated family on the wrong side of the sectarian lines was safe.
Almost overnight, out of Belfast’s total population of just under 400,000, more than 1,820 families, some 10,000 people, became refugees. 1,505 Catholic families and 315 Protestant families were forced out, overwhelmingly in West Belfast. In the course of just four days, one in forty of the city’s entire population became homeless.
The process continued for four years, in successive waves of intimidation and violence. By the time the sectarian division of working-class Belfast was complete, somewhere between 30,000 - 60,000 people had been forced to evacuate their homes. Even the uncertainly in the official figures reflects the confusion and chaos of the process; by some estimates nearly 12% of the population were involved, with entire communities transformed forever.
The process would have been far worse had it not been for the intervention of the British Army. As the communal riots escalated, the Northern Irish government told Britain’s Labour regime that its local forces were losing control.
Out of the total province population of one and a half million, around 525,000 were Catholic, and on top of those actually forced from their homes permanently, huge numbers of these were taking temporary refuge south of the border in the Irish Republic. On the other side of the divide, some Protestant families were evacuated to Liverpool, where local Orange Lodges arranged emergency accommodation.
The first 5,000 soldiers who arrived under Operation Banner were widely welcomed in Catholic enclaves, which would have been destroyed had it not been for the protection of the British army.
Accounts of life in the mixed working-class areas of Belfast in the mid-1960s portray a society which, despite the old sectarian split, was nothing like as divided as, for example, the former mill-towns of northern England are today. There is, in short, far more real hatred in multi-cultural Britain today than there was in Northern Ireland in 1966.
Not long before the start of the Troubles, the Official IRA had largely disarmed, some of its weapons had even been sold to the Free Wales Army. The Provisional IRA later received very serious quantities of modern weapons from the Soviet Union and its satellite regimes, the Middle East, and the USA, but they started the ‘war’ defending embattled Catholic enclaves with a handful of WW1 and WW2 souvenirs and a few shotguns.
Sixty years on, modern handguns and even more serious weapons such as Uzis are widely distributed among Britain’s criminal underworld, with ethnic gangs such as Albanians (and, increasingly, Ukrainians) having ready access to limitless supplies in Eastern Europe, and well-established smuggling networks. It is only law-abiding citizens who must remain unarmed in modern Britain. If you have the money and are prepared to break the law, you can buy all the weapons and ammunition you need.
The British army has changed too. In 1969 it was 174,000 strong; by 2025 this had fallen to below 75,000. At the height of the Troubles, in addition to local army units and a heavily militarised police force, 27,000 British soldiers were deployed in Northern Ireland. That was the figure at any one time, with the force seriously stretched by rotating tours of duty.
Remember that this was in a place in which, once the ‘war’ had settled down to the IRA against the Brits and the Prods, the total potentially ‘hostile’ population was under 600,000. Compare that with the capacity for violent resistance to the ‘remigration’ plan summed up by Rupert Lowe’s “Millions Must Go” slogan.
The numbers involved in mainland Britain’s now widely foreseen “Muslim Troubles” would be many times bigger than the Irish Catholic minority in one tiny corner of the UK. Returning to the example of Leicester, as considered briefly earlier, the city’s population is 580,000, out of which more than two-thirds are of immigrant origin. The city’s Muslim population is about 87,000, with Hindus at about 66,000 and 17,000 Sikhs.
Communal violence between Leicester’s Muslims and Hindus has nearly exploded several times, with the potential for trouble being stoked not just by Islamist extremists but also by India’s ultra-nationalist BJP government, who provide funds and ideological/religious training to encourage Hindu radicalism. All this while, in the white estates on the edge of the city, a cruder version of the process is going on courtesy of the Counter-Jihad movement, financed and amplified online by US-based Zionists.
If any one of these efforts succeeds in sparking serious violence in Leicester, it would be very surprising if it did not spread rapidly to Derby (population 265,00) and Nottingham, a city which, at 825,000, is nearly double the size of Belfast during the Troubles. The total population of the three main cities is more than that of the whole of Northern Ireland back in 1969.
The shrunken British army and the UK’s pathetic, cowardly, woke police forces couldn’t control the East Midlands, let alone Birmingham, Manchester, the northern Muslim belt, and Glasgow. As for London……
This, all too easily, could be the time which Powell foresaw, in a glass darkly, when the funeral pyre blazes and the rivers foam with much blood. Especially given the vast amount of effort being put in every day into getting the British fighting mad, while Western foreign policies and hypocrisy alienate Muslims everywhere.
British military theory expert Prof David Betz brackets the level of basically inevitable violence as somewhere between Northern Ireland’s 3,000 dead (scaled up fifty-fold to 150,000 slain) and the four per cent of the entire population butchered in the chaos which attended the destruction of the former Yugoslavia.
On that subject, I taught English as a foreign language to multiple groups of Croats, Serbs and Slovenians just a couple of years after that externally encouraged bloodbath. All of the students involved told me that, in their schooldays before the explosion, they lived completely integrated lives, going to school and to parties without even ever thinking to ask someone’s ethnicity or religion.
“We all thought the old divisions were from our grandparents’ time and never coming back,” they used to say, “but a few months later we were shelling each others’ market squares and our soldiers were collecting eyeballs. None of us saw it coming”.
No-one could say that about Britain, or indeed much of the rest of Western Europe, or the USA. Prof. Betz’s conclusion, that Western Europe is “almost certain” to descend into civil war within the next five years, may be coloured by Counter-Jihad wishful-thinking, but even some mainstream liberals have warned that deteriorating community relations threaten a repeat – and worse - of the English riots of the last two summers.
Even if such clashes do not lead to the full-scale civil war warned of by Betz and pushed for by many others, it is clear that they could easily lead to ethnic-cleansing violence on at least the scale seen in Ballymena, Northern Ireland in 2025. Disturbances on that scale in England would almost inevitably lead to attacks on white British homes as well as asylum accommodation.
Those who support Lowe and remigration have a particular duty to prepare for such Troubles, since there is not the faintest possibility that ‘remigration’ could take place without communal violence at the least at the level of major race riots and potentially escalating into full-blown civil war.
Unfortunately, not one of the myriads of ‘far-right influencers’ making good money out of blowing the embers of conflict has said a word – let alone done anything – to encourage any preparation for the conflict they and their followers all see coming.
Now, it would of course be completely illegal for anyone to advocate for any sort of preparations for violence. The Crown, Crescent, Pitchfork document promoted by David Betz blatantly crosses the line; it’s nothing short of a manual for mayhem and near-genocidal levels of psychotic violence. But it was published on a neocon-founded website operated from the USA, so it is outside the jurisdiction of the UK legal system.
Why one of the most important figures in British military intelligence circles is allowed to big it up is a question beyond the scope of this essay. My advice to all my readers, however, is very straightforward:
Do not write, speak or repost anything which could be construed as promoting preparations for or the use of violence. In the event of an explosion of communal violence, stay the hell out of it!
If you are a long-standing nationalist, or even if you have merely attended one of the giant intelligence gathering operations organised, with kind police assistance, by Tommy Robinson, you are already a marked man.
If you get involved in communal violence in an area where the state has lost control, you will quite likely be in a zone in which our people are in the minority (at least in terms of young men of fighting age). Small white majority settlements isolated in what Betz describes as Zone A are going to be overrun or forced out, and heroic last-stands are going to be both suicidal and largely futile.
In Zones B and C, by contrast, the police will still have a lot of intelligence and surveillance capabilities, as well as the manpower and motivation to clamp down on “extremists”. The writ of the liberal state will still run and their definition of “extremism” will be any group of white men going out to confront those who threaten their community. Mass arrests and rapid and ferocious prison sentences will be routine.
This is not speculation; the British state already has form for the ruthless treatment even of peaceful observers of such clashes. The most recent example to date having been during the protests which followed the Southport Massacre.
The more the Powers that Be lose control in Muslim and ‘minority’-dominated inner cities, the more the police and courts will lash out at members of our community who give them the slightest excuse.
In any case, the first waves of even very serious ethnic cleansing will not have any revolutionary potential. Such disturbances are not the real struggle; they merely establish the initial front lines. One key lesson of the segregation of Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1973 is that it is a process of fits and starts.
Another is that resistance grows from the community as circumstances radicalise local people; it is not something inserted from outside by individuals or groups who were already militant.
Martyrs – whether dead or in prison – can sometimes be useful but, as a general rule, you’re far more use to your people alive and free than you ever could be dead or behind bars. The pressing question, therefore, is how to prepare – legally - for potential ethnic-cleansing mayhem, and how to respond once it begins, without getting killed in one of ‘their’ zones or banged up in one of ours.
The answer will be found by thinking through what actually happens when violence and the threat of violence turn formerly complacent or unaware people into internal refugees. Once again, we don’t need to guess, we simply need to look at what happened in Belfast when years of tension finally went bang.
Some of the victims fled to relatives who lived in safer areas, but many more went initially to temporary shelters, mainly schools, churches and community centres. In the decades since, sports centres have also become common, and they too provide a likely emergency venue.
Returning to the example of the East Midlands, the county councils which control the towns and country around Leicester, Derby and Nottingham are all at present controlled by Reform. Despite Nigel Farage’s long-standing record as an anti-British traitor in everything related to non-white immigration, these councils would be under immense local pressure to open up their facilities to white refugees from the violence and tension of the cities.
This is a good example of the way in which populist advances, although without deep significance in their own right, can nonetheless feed into situations which genuine nationalists can exploit to make real long-tertm gains.
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If the populists drag their heels, it would be very easy for local residents to open such places up, even without official permission. Indeed, the same is true for councils still under the cotrol of overtly System parties. Once someone has forced the lock, and fifty or sixty families are inside and receiving emergency donations of blankets and blow-up mattresses from sympathetic locals, there is nothing the council, or the over-stretched police, will be able to do about it.
Word and the example would spread. Within 48 hours, the mayhem of the three burning cities would be a stark contrast to the outpouring of indigenous solidarity embracing refugees in various community spaces in the dozens of towns and villages which surround them. Miners’ welfare and ex-services clubs can also be expected to play their part as a 21st-Century version of Britain’s old ‘Blitz Spirit’ takes hold.
Where, then, are the nationalists in all this? Well, if they’ve continued to pin their hopes on parliamentary politics, or have salved their consciences by buying the occasional coffee for their favourite ‘hardline’ podcaster, they will be disorganised, powerless spectators.
If they’ve used their brains, and learned the lessons of History outlined here, they will be at the very heart of the refugee operation, which in turn will be the real beginning of the long road back. In the right place, at the right, pre-revolutionary moment. Not by accident, but because we take steps to make it happen.
How? The answer is one word, although I will elaborate on it: Food.
As we noted right at the start of this section, shelter and food are two basic human needs. Having escaped from their homes, refugees by definition have neither. In our broad-brushstroke example, a combination of local citizens’ initiatives, aided perhaps by the natural sympathies of populist councillors, has provided shelter. But who is going to provide food?
Many of the premises will have basic kitchens, but very few will have the equipment needed to cook for a hundred people or more. Even those which do are normally manned by paid staff, who only ever work short shifts. Where the refugee occupation of the property is unofficial, even sympathetic workers are likely to fear disciplinary consequences for going in to cook for unauthorised refugee squatters.
Those who have already read my earlier piece about the options for serious nationalists to acquire assets and skills will probably see where we’re headed here.
The proposal that every group of nationalist activists should develop the ability to cater for large numbers of people might have seemed less than essential, especially when compared to more conventional ‘political’ work such as being able to marshal demonstrations or produce local propaganda. But, in the context of a conflict which Britain’s top military intelligence guru believes is virtually “inevitable, within five years”, it should take on a very different light.
At that point, the ability to drum up soup and sandwiches for fifty homeless people several times a week, and to prepare a good hot meal for a hundred nationalists at a summer camp, becomes something far more than a feel-good PR effort or a bit of extra comradeship.
Instead, it is transformed into the key which opens the hearts and minds not only of the refugees, but of the shaken, angry nation of which they have become the rawest and most sensitive of nerve endings.
Give them soup and sandwiches for lunch, then turn vegetables and cheap cuts (in all probability donated by local shopkeepers but, if not, a couple of collection tins will soon sort the finances) into a tasty and filling stew to serve with chunks of bread in the early evening.
And then, once everyone has eaten, the nationalists sit around with their new-found, grateful and uniquely receptive audience. Talking politics, explaining what must be done, influencing and recruiting.
That portable PA system which we already knew was useful for demonstrations is another of the assets which you bring into play. A nationalist movement which has taken my advice also to invest in items at a regional level should be able to bring in its big projector for a couple of hours to show a suitable film.
The CDs and karaoke version of easily-learned folk songs which I suggested here some months ago would come into its own. All of a sudden, what was initially apparently an unmitigated catastrophe for all involved has the potential to become one of the most memorable experiences of their lives.
Imagine the long-term impact of all this on a teenage lad among the refugees, who quite possibly has never had a purpose or a sense of belonging in his entire life so far. There’s your future revolution – as long as you prepared to seize the opportunity of this first stage.
Thbink, too, of the impact on public perception of the nationalist movement: Far-sighted to see it coming; competent to make concrete preparations, committed to be there where our people need it the most. This would produce a flood of new recruits, and recruits of the best sort - not just angry, but also minded to do positive things to help to put things right.
The key preparation isn’t even the actual equipment, important though that is, because where are you going to find four catering size LPG rings and four forty litre saucepans on a Friday night in Market Harborough?
That’s what you would need to cook a stew for two hundred people, by the way, but
you still need to know how to do it, and the experience to do it well. Fortunately, that doesn’t mean you have to have done it before. If you can cook for four people, you can cook for ten. If you can cook for ten, you can cook for fifty. But unless you’ve already cooked for fifty people, in one of those giant pots, you’ve got no chance of cooking for two hundred.
But if you can, and if you’ve invested about £750 to buy the equipment and gas bottles (brand new prices) there will be nothing to stop you. And, if ninety-nine other nationalist groups are ready and equipped to do the same, then on that very first night - mainland Britain’s future version of August 14th 1969 – they will feed 20,000 people. The clips each group’s video editor (also as per my previous article) rushes out of the operation will give hope to the nation.
That will only be the start. Just as Raise the Colours spread like wildfire to visually tribalise whole swathes of the country, this example will lead to an explosion of self-help groups. Instead of being helpless victims and passive observers, our people will learn what they need to do to start to take back control of their own destiny. And, above all else, how strong we are when we prepare for the crisis, and stand together when it arrives.
Preparing for such a time is completely legal and beyond moral reproach. While the hasty and emotional are - one way or another - getting themselves taken out of the struggle altogether, far-sighted nationalists would provide emergency food aid throughout the whole of each successive wave of trouble.
Despite being a totally peaceful initiative from beginning to end, this would plant the nationalist movement firmly in the most fertile of soil - at the Ground Zero of the future history of our long struggle to take our country back.
If you’ve not read my full What Is To Be Done series, the best way to access it is through my Substact website. There’s plenty of other good reading there too, so dive in. And, if you appreciate the groound-breaking nature of my work here, please consider becoming a paid subscriber. Thank you!
