It’s time to look at concrete proposals for community-building work. This is the point at which nationalism shifts from being an abstract idea, or the motivating factor for an inward-looking group of activists, and moves on to become a force for good in the lives of ‘ordinary people’.
This is where we stop fretting over dangers faced by our entire race, nation or generation – problems about which we can do nothing except talk - and instead begin to do things in a specific place, somewhere in which our practical efforts can make a real-life difference.
Ideally, you will have studied all of the preceding articles in this series. If not, I recommend that you pause here at and least read this one, and that, having read it, you carry out the exercise at its end before returning to read the rest of this section.
Let’s assume you understand the principles behind the practicality, and that you are seriously interested in Community Action, let’s dive straight into the first example of the sort of choices available to serious would-be activists and community leaders.
I remain (writing in early 2026) convinced that forming local Raise the Colours style Flagster Teams remains by far the best opening effort in this regard, so what follows is likely to be most useful for local groups who have already cut their teeth and begun to build their local base with ladders, flags and cable ties, as per my earlier recommendation. (See link at end of this article.)
That said, if for some reason the RTC option is not practical, this is the first of the places which would be a very good place to start. The question of which you pick, once we’ve examined all the options, will depend upon you and your team, and your abilities and existing contacts, on simple choice, and on circumstances within your chosen area. The right starting option will probably choose itself.
The first part of what follows was published here last Friday as a ‘taster’ article entitled Community Security Team. If you’ve already read it, the new material continues below it. Just scroll down to the subheading Wild Claims and Press Hysteria and resume reading from there]
‘Private police’. The rich have hired and uniformed security guards for their gated communities and leafy boltholes. Companies have them for their premises. The Jews have their Community Security Trust, complete with uniformed officers and even their own Shomrim ‘police’ cars. The Muslims have team which turn out to protect their mosques, and recognised ‘community leaders’ with whom the real police consult before undertaking ‘sensitive’ policing operations.
They all have this added layer of security, and good luck to them all. The problem is not that the rich, the Jews and the Muslims have this extra reassurance and community spirit, but that our people do not.
Readers with an above average understanding of real power relationships, and of the special pressures on indigenous Britons as second-class citizens, may be inclined to raise objections here, along the lines of “the Power That Be will allow it for minorities, but they’d come down on us like a ton of bricks if we did anything similar”.
It is a very reasonable concern, and we will examine this issue in the very next part of this series. For the time being, please park any such worries. The purpose of this section is to set out realistic possibilities for constructive and wholly legal Community Action and, please believe me, this is absolutely one of them.
The only further thing to say with regards to legality right now is that readers should not – under any circumstances – finish reading this chapter and immediately rush out to set up such an operation. It is absolutely vital that the forthcoming next section is read, digested and fully taken on board before a single step is taken towards this end in real life.
That said, here’s an actual example of such an operation is practice because, here is in many other things, the much-abused activists of the old British National Party were way ahead of the times.
Message Nick Griffin
Our experiment with local security patrols took place in Corsham, a town of about 13,000 in the west of Wiltshire, where the main employment is provided by nearby military bases and by quarrying and working Cotswold stone. It has a historic centre, with some fine architecture from the mediaeval wool trade and its position on the old London-Bristol road, but there is nothing notable or unusual about the couple of ex-council estates and newer private developments which cluster around it.
The only thing different about the place when budget cuts closed the town’s police station in 2006 was that Corsham already had an active BNP unit, headed by an ex-soldier, Mike Howson. With a couple of local taxi drivers among his activists, Mike quickly became aware of growing public concern about bored youngsters making nuisances of themselves.
It was nothing really serious, but the withdrawal of the police presence left local people, especially pensioners and families with young children, feeling insecure. Complaints to the police about the marked lack of the promised regular vehicle patrols produced empty reassurances, but zero action.
Mike and his team sat down to discuss the situation, and came up with a plan. They all chipped in a few quid to get a batch of yellow high-viz vests printed with the words “Community Observation Patrol” on the back. The letters COPS were much larger than the rest so they stood out clearly.
Each of their three- or four-man patrols also had at least one camera phone (at the time, that was a gadget which was still possessed only by a minority of people), a couple of big Maglite torches and a notebook. That was it. They had a slightly more extensive wish-list, particularly for walkie-talkie radios and big torches for after dark, but they concluded that stab-proof vests were not necessary in their town. They also decided that it would better to start straight away with what they had, rather than waiting until they had everything.
A simple leaflet was produced to hand to local residents they met as they began their patrols, and a copy was sent to the local paper and to county police headquarters. It took a few weeks but, inevitably, the proverbial duly hit the fan.
This, after all, was the work of one of the most demonised and controversial political parties in the whole of British history.
Wild Claims and Press Hysteria
The local press went berserk, amplifying wild claims by political opponents that neo-fascist vigilantes were on the prowl. Wiltshire police joined in, condemning the operation as unnecessary. It was ‘divisive’, ‘potentially illegal’, ‘intimidatory’, blah, blah, blah.
The local BNP response was that they were filling a gap left by the closing down of the local police station, and that they would continue with their completely legal observation patrols unless and until this decision was reversed.
As they carried on, Mike and his team were buoyed up by the great reception they received from local people they met as they did their regular patrols. As the weeks went by, they learnt several very important lessons.
First, the operation was working. Anti-social behaviour diminished, daily life got just that little bit better for ordinary people in the area, and everyone knew why.
Second, while they had started out always wearing high-viz gear, they found by experiment that going out ‘in civvies’ had an extra value all of its own. When out in bright yellow over-vests, they were of course very noticeable. Youngsters inclined to mischief could spot them a long way off, but if they weren’t around could misbehave as before.
Once their activity was widely known, however, by going round sometimes without the give-away bright yellow, something new kicked in: Knowing that any group of two or three men might be a COPs patrol, the tearaways had to quieten down or make themselves scarce every time they saw any such group out on the street. This magnified the effect of the real patrols’ efforts.
Third, they found local people approaching them and tipping them off about the perpetrators of actual anti-social behaviour and criminal acts. On the town’s working-class estates, there was a tendency to be reluctant to report such things to the police; even law-abiding citizens preferred not to bring themselves to their attention, and there was an instinctive dislike of the idea of being a ‘grass’. No-one wanted a police car parked outside their house while imparting such intelligence.
But people who wouldn’t tell the police were willing to tell our COPs. Knowing the law as they did, Mike’s team made no attempt to usurp the powers of the police by acting on such knowledge. In minor cases of mere rowdiness by younger teenagers, they had a quiet word with their parents. Invariably, the problems stopped.
With anything actually illegal, they quietly took it direct to the police, leaving the job of doing something about it to them.
After their initial surprise, the police quickly got used to the idea; a discrete back-door relationship was established. The importance of this will be explored further shortly.
The patrols began in February 2007 and Mike kept me updated with phone call briefings. Three months later, with the obvious success of the operation, I visited Corsham during a speaking tour of the South and South West. Early one evening, I joined the team on patrol.
By now, the media frenzy had died down. In fact, the local Gazette and Herald ran a reasonably straight report on my presence the next day, under the neutral heading: BNP leader patrols Corsham.
‘The chairman of the British National Party, Nick Griffin, joined local members to patrol the streets of Corsham last night.
‘He joined new BNP councillor for the town Mick Simpkins and other party colleagues including Michael Howson on an evening patrol to identify incidents of anti-social behaviour.
‘The vigilante walkabouts began in February this year and BNP organisers say they set up a group in the area after residents expressed concerns about intimidating groups of young people and badly behaved adults.
‘Wiltshire BNP organiser Mike Howson said: “The patrols started in February because we had been approached by concerned residents about anti-social behaviour in the town.
“They are community patrols, which are made up of groups of four, and are estate-based. We are simply acting on the worries and concerns of the residents who have contacted us.”
‘Mr Howson said the majority of the members involved are from Corsham and the surrounding areas and many of them are ex-servicemen.
‘He said: “We walk around and show our presence in the area. We talk to people and inform parents if their children have been involved in acts of anti-social behaviour and may on occasion escort them home.
“People were more than happy to see us out on the streets and we are fulfilling a public need. We will continue to patrol as long as the public want us there.”
‘Mr Griffin congratulated his colleagues for their efforts over recent months.’
What happened to Corsham COPs in the end? The operation, strangely, became a victim of its own success. Not long after my visit, Wiltshire police did a U-turn. Even more abruptly than it was closed, the mothballed police station was reopened.
Having justified their initial setting up of COPs patrols as a response to the withdrawal of local policing, Mike and his team decided to take the victory and to wind them up. By that stage, in addition to doing their hometown a significant service, they had also successfully concluded a very valuable experiment.
That original COPs activity is now nearly twenty years in the past. But continual cuts in policing and the general decline in civil society and standards of behaviour make the scheme even more applicable than ever. Like so much that the BNP did back then, we were ahead of our time. It worked when tried out by a seriously demonised political party back then, it surely has even more potential for groups of ‘non-political’ patriots now.
To quote Enoch Powell though, ‘I can already hear the chorus of execration’. How dare I make such a statement, when we all know that “the Powers That Be would come down like a ton of bricks on any such venture by nationalists”?
Well, as I’ve just pointed out, they did not do so when it was done by the BNP. But let’s accept that a more widespread development of Community Observation Patrols by people on our wavelength would attract the hostile attention of the institutionally anti-British state. What would the actual position be?
UK Legal Prohibition on Private Militias
The UK law prohibiting the organisation of private militia or paramilitary groups was established by section 1(2) of the Public Order Act 1936. This provision was enacted in response to the emergence of politically organised uniformed groups, particularly Sir Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts, and remains in force, now included in the Public Order Act of 1986.
The operative statutory wording provides that:
“Any person who organises or takes part in the organisation of, or trains or takes part in the training of, any group of persons for the purpose of usurping the functions of the police or of the armed forces, or for the purpose of engaging in physical force or violence in promoting any political object, shall be guilty of an offence.”
This offence is purpose-based. It criminalises organisation or training where the purpose is either to substitute for state coercive power or to employ or prepare violence to advance political objectives. Actual violence or armament is not required; it is a sufficient for the prosecution to convince the jury that ordinary people observing the operation could “reasonably” conclude this to be the purpose of the activity in question.
Read that paragraph in italics carefully once again. The offence is not organising or training a group of men to keep an eye on their home streets. It is doing so for the purpose of usurping the functions of the police or the military, or for the purpose of using physical force to promote a political objective. As long as you do not do, and cannot be presented as seeking to do, those things, you can organise people – and do things with them – any way you like.
Would a properly-run COP in any way usurp the functions of the police? No, because they do not claim, or exercise, police powers beyond those available to any citizen. They do not investigate crimes, routinely detain suspects, or present themselves as a substitute police force. Their role is purely observational and deterrent.
Does it give rise to the apprehension that it may seek to use force for a political objective? Again, the answer is no. If a political party sought to organise its members into bodies of men to patrol the streets on the look out for opponents delivering leaflets, it obviously would break this law.
But the Public Order Act does not prohibit a non-political group of citizens walking around their neighbourhood, or observing and recording possible anti-social behaviour, grooming gang suspects parking outside schools and such like.
I will set out a simple and precise Code of Conduct and operational guidelines all COPs need to use in the next section of this series. This will include the legal question relating to uniforms. In the meantime, just work on the basis that – carried out properly - the initiative is entirely legal.
The One Exception
There is a grey area, created by the closely related question of whether the police and Crown Prosecution Service think they can justify action against such a group, and what is the reasonable chance of securing a conviction.
If an already established group of self-defined fascists, with a Telegram channel awash with crude racial slurs and admiration for the Austrian painter, were to start a COP, they would be arrested and locked away on remand on their second outing.
During their subsequent trial, the prosecuting barrister would show all their idiotic posts to the jury, activating all the buttons programmed into them by a lifetime of liberal propaganda working on their innate sense of decency and politeness.
The jury would be told that the secret aim was to intimidate innocent members of ethnic minorities, and having such people strutting round the streets is a serious danger to multicultural harmony. Result? Guilty verdicts and prison sentences.
Their few sympathisers would then complain bitterly about how biased the British legal system is, pointing out the fact that the Community Security Trust’s Shomrim patrols in heavily Jewish areas of north London are not merely permitted, but are subsidised by taxpayers’ money.
Self-Inflicted Disadvantage
The sad truth, however, is that the divide here isn’t between what is legal for the CST versus what is dangerous for everyone else. Rather, it is between the legal persecution to which little groups of Hitler admiring idiots make themselves uniquely vulnerable, and the far greater freedom to operate within the law which is enjoyed by everyone else.
This is true not just of their chances of being left alone to run COPs. Little groups which go out of their way to shock, to stick two fingers (more, since they are heavily influenced by semi-ghetto ‘culture’ from the USA, one finger) up at established social norms, and to cut themselves off from their own families, communities and roots, make everything ten times harder for themselves than would otherwise be the case.
They tell themselves that dressing all in black is “great optics” and a clever tactic to attract teenage rebels. To be fair to those proposing such things in the USA, the legal position and possibly popular sentiment over there may be sufficiently different that they have a point when it comes to their own country. But in Britain, Australia and much of Western Europe, it’s dangerously out of touch with reality, and the end result is isolation and impotence.
They may mean well but, let’s be blunt, it’s just another youth cult, perfectly honed for Generation Autism, but not as the base for effective community activism in a hostile liberal state, or for the Hundred Years of Struggle which lies ahead.
It is of course true that - despite being non-political and adhering to strict legality - indigenous working-class community patrols are liable to be criticised by liberal media outlets. Likewise, they most certainly are not going to be sponsored by the Home Office or equipped by the Metropolitan police.
But neither are they in danger of prosecution under the present law of the land. That, of course, might change. In the event that COPs caught on in largely white working-class neighbourhoods, one can envisage a BBC-directed liberal ‘moral panic’, demanding action to put the peasants back in their place.
It is further foreseeable that a Labour-Green-SNP-LibDem coalition (an entirely possible result in 2029 if Restore split the Reform vote) would change the law to forbid such operations. But that would also either outlaw the Shomrim patrols, or exempt them.
The former result would be challenged by their powerful legal teams, and any victory they won would establish the precedent for the benefit of every one. The latter decision would be an education to everyone involved in, or sympathetic to, the banned indigenous versions of the precise same things. “All animals are equal, but some are more equal than others.” This is the sort of lesson which our people badly need to learn.
Drafting a law to prevent small groups of law-abiding citizens from walking down their own streets, or standing outside their children’s schools, would also be extremely difficult in its own right.
Enforcing it would be even harder, particularly for police forces hamstrung by repeated austerity cuts, withdrawn to fortified, central police stations and largely confined to high-speed police patrols of main roads and town centres.
In any case, that’s three or four years down the line at least. In the meantime, and until then, the only thing preventing the establishment and operation of Community Observation Patrols in every primarily indigenous part of this country is the fact that the people who should be organising them are too tied up promoting fantasy political solutions online.
There they are, sitting on their backsides; excusing their inaction with social media chatter that Nigel, Ben, Rupert, Tommy, or the ghost of Adolf, is going to build a power-winning machine, be permitted to win a free-and-fair election, come to power, stay in power, and sort it all out from on high. The revolution will be 'simples’, bloodless and televised for their gratification.
Heaven preserve us from such naïve stupidity and cowardly excuses for laziness. Read my lips: There is no parliamentary road to sort this mess out. No party is going to come in, turn back the clock and save us from the collapse of this mortally sick version of civilisation; it’s way too late for political solutions. No white knight is going to ride in to save your community.
But you – you could be the nucleus around which grows the team which eventually turns your locality into a cohesive, confident and resilient community, a place and a people capable of facing whatever the uncertain and often unpleasant future throws at it.
Since you’ve read this far, it’s fairly likely that you appreciate that NO-ONE else is working consistently at this level. If so, I’d like to invite you to show your appreciation and help me build support and resources for the future by becoming a paid subscriber. “If not us, who? If not now, when?”
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