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Sunday, 19 October 2025

The Nationalist Response to the Populist Challenge

 

The Nationalist Response to the Populist Challenge

We cannot beat them, or take them over, but we WILL stand on their shoulders

oct 2025
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The populist electoral insurgency is a runaway juggernaut. In one white nation after another, soft-right populist parties are smashing rivals which have dominated the political scene since the middle of the last century. In Britain, the Tories - the oldest political party in the entire world - are under threat of extinction at the hands of Reform, which simultaneously is showing that it can also snatch even the safest Labour seats.

The same pattern can be seen over the whole of Western and central Europe. The unique political system of the USA means that the populist surge unfolded in a different way, but even there it is quite likely that Donald Trump would not have won his first time had it not been for the energising impact of the UK Brexit vote and the high-profile support of Nigel Farage in the close run campaign.

Anti-UKIP poster. Do the left actually believe this nonsense? I certainly don’t, and the ideology which needs to be injected into Reform must spring from the British tradition and have roots deep in our own history and national psyche. More on that in due course.

In most of ‘our’ world, we therefore see long-established ‘parties of government’ being knocked from the top of the political dung-heap by populists. What is the basic appeal of the insurgents? Partly that they are “Anyone Except the Above” in relation to the arrogant, failed and corrupt old parties.

Primarily, however, because their rhetoric and promises tap in to the deepest concerns of voters disgusted by the decadence of totalitarian liberalism, the destruction of their economic security, and horrified by the impact of mass immigration.

Of course, we all know that the populists’ figureheads are not genuine nationalists. Ignoring the dog-whistles, their most ‘extreme’ position on immigration is invariably a promise to expel illegals and other criminals, to restrict the use of the most visible symbols of Islamic fundamentalism, to let in further immigrants only if they come to work, and to compel the newcomers to speak the language and to ‘integrate’.

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This is very different from the ethno-nationalist position. We’ve got no problem at all with deporting the criminals, ‘single men of military age’ and opposing Islamification. But we also know that the problems which the civnat populists use to appeal to worried voters are important in terms of security and symbolism, but very minor in terms of demography.

We understand why ordinary, law-abiding British taxpayers are particularly angry about the 40,000 or so totally unvetted Dover Boat Scroungers who are ferried across the Channel each year by the Royal Navy and the RNLI. But their numbers and potential future demographic impact are dwarfed by the million or so who arrive ‘legally’ every year.

They walk through our airports armed with visas for work, study, tourism, family reunions and accepted refugee status. Does their ‘legal’ status means that half-a-million Hindu Indians coming in each year do not contribute to the ‘Great Replacement’? Is the fact that many of them take jobs here really a good thing, when we have several millions of our own folk unable to find work, and ten million more not even required to look for it?

As for ‘integration’, let’s not beat about the bush, it’s the last thing we want, because the more ‘successfully’ immigrants integrate, the greater the problem with miscegenation. You don’t have to be fully clued up on the Kalergi Plan to understand that, for a global minority like the white nations, Integration = Annihilation.

Hence, while millions of voters expect the populists to ‘give us our country back’, we are not fooled. We know that - even if the populists deliver on all their promises - they will not make any significant different to the eventual outcome.

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At the same time, however, we cannot just pretend the populists aren’t there. We know that specific leaders, Meloni, Farage, Le Pen, the German lesbian, the Swedih Zionist, etc, etc, will in the end fail to deliver and become election-losers in their turn. But, in the meantime, the appeal of populist parties will remain the ultimate roadblock for genuine nationalists who might still be tempted down the electoral road.

Furthermore, we can already see their successors being set up ready to step in and offer the voters ‘the real thing’. “Reform let you down? Try new, improved Advance!” Out of the NeoCon frying pan and into the revisionist Zionist fire.

The populists are here, and they’re almost certainly here to stay for many elections to come. Which is particularly hard on ethno-nationalists, because they feed on our potential like vampires. Look at any of the civnat populist parties currently giving the liberals nightmares and. behind them, you will see the desiccated corpse of a genuine, ethno-nationalist party,

It was the ethno-nationalists who broke the taboo against speaking critically about immigration. We were the ones smeared, beaten, arrested, jailed, or even murdered, for daring to stand up for our people in the decades before our people were angry enough to start standing up for themselves.

We argued for sovereignty and for economic protectionism. We warned that early calls for ‘tolerance’ of perverts were the thin end of a wedge which would eventually become a full-scale cultural Marxist war against family values, complete with tyrannical repression of those who defend them.

We were right about all those things, and the populists now base their appeal on nudges, winks and half-measures on the issues which we pioneered. In the case of Farage in particular, it goes even further than that. He and his first party, UKIP, were systematically promoted - by the left-wing BBC in particular - precisely as a safety valve, the only remaining way to stop the British National Party.

Farage himself has boasted of this, while Professor Edward Dutton, a very well informed and astute observer of the British political scene, published an appraisal here on Substack asserting that “Farage stood on Nick Griffin’s shoulders”.

Which is all well and good. We know how they dealt with us, the question is, how must we deal with them?

The answer, my friends, is to return the favour. The civnats have reached where they are now because they took advantage of the work of the ethno-nationalist pioneers. Now we must take advantage of their advance in order to advance towards our goals. And, just as with us back in the day, it is their very success which makes them vulnerable.

So come with me, and help us to stand on their shoulders. Don’t worry, I’m got going to replace naïve fantasies about ethno-nationalist election victory with equally idiotic claims that we can ‘capture’ the populist parties, or even nudge them towards improved policies or delivery on more of their vacuous promises.

But a systematic and intelligent programme to inject genuine nationalist ideas into the populist parties will bring serious rewards. On their own, they are unlikely to have what can realistically be called revolutionary impact, but put them together with the other proposals which you will see here a bit further down the line, and you will see why I more optimistic now for the future of ethno-nationalism than I have been for decades.

The ideological infiltration of Reform and its various populist sister parties is one of the foundation stones of the political house we must build. It can be done. It must be done. It will be done. And, in the next part of this series, I am going to tell you exactly how we’re going to do it.

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