What Is to be Done?
The vital work of ethno-nationalists as liberalism dies. Part 1
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The way ahead for genuine nationalists is at last clear. There has been a period of confusion and drift since the political establishments of country after country beat down the nationalist electoral insurgencies which once appeared to be the way forward. But this must - and will - end now.
There have been three great stumbling blocks in the way of effective nationalist action for getting on for two decades: First, the fact that only a very limited number of people understood just how bad things were going to get. Second, that many of those who did understand it were still fixated on the idea that electoral victory would give us the power to put things right.
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Third, even once it became obvious that the growing success of populist parties had closed the electoral road to genuine, ethno-nationalism, there has been a distinct lack of strategic vision and tactical innovation.
That is partly a reflection on the collective leadership of the ‘movement’ but, to be fair to all concerned, it is only with some of the most recent developments that the full extent of the potential for a quietly revolutionary ethno-nationalism has become clear to me, let alone to others with less experience.
Fortunately, the first two of the three stumbling blocks have now gone. A whole slew of opinion polls has confirmed that the 2025 surge in support for Nigel Farage’s Reform UK is rooted in a widespread understanding that the nation faces disaster. A massive JL Partners poll carried out during party conference season, for example, found that fully three-quarters of voters say that “Britain is broken”.
Even 59% of those who still plan to vote for the failing Labour government agree that the country is ruined, with the figure rising to 91% of Reform supporters. Pollsters have found deep frustration across all regions and age groups. In Britain, the strongest sense of realistic pessimism was found in the West Midlands, where 87% said the country is broken. Even in multi-cultural, metropolitan, British-minority London, the figure is 59%.
The advance of Reform and of similar populist parties in most other West European countries shows that an awakening to grim reality is not confined to the UK. It is, of course, far deeper than sympathy for electoral insurgency too. The drastic lurch in voting patterns only reflects a much more profound shift towards identity politics. While the 20th century was dominated by individualism and identity based on class or material ambitions, we are seeing before our very eyes the 21st century retribalisation of the nations and peoples of the West.
They are under threat, they know it, and they understand they have to do something about it. The in-their-faces tribalism on display during the Raise the Colours explosion on the summer of 2025 is an even more significant sign than the Southport Riots of 2024. Reform’s polling figures merely reflect the extraordinary tectonic shifts rumbling and lurching beneath the surface.
Truly, the first of the three stumbling blocks – the once widespread view that there was nothing seriously wrong - has been blasted to dust by real life.
What about the second, the electoral victory obsession? Well, there are semi-moribund micro-parties which persist in throwing their shrunken reserves of money and manpower into yet another utterly futile electoral Charge of the Light Brigade every few years.
There are others who avoid the inevitable disillusion brought by such drubbings by telling their few followers that this is something they will do at some stage in the future – with childish fantasies of glorious although totally unearned success.
Despite such surviving lumps of rock-headed stupidity, however, it is fair to say that the vast majority of thinking, genuine, ethno-nationalists have moved on. When I published my essays Tooth Fairy Politics and No Parliamentary Road five or six years ago, there was still some resistance to my message, among some European nationalists as well as some in Britain who have since changed their minds. Times have changed even more, and the second road block - the superstition of electoralism - has also been smashed apart by the high explosives of reality.
Which just leaves the third: Nationalists still don’t have any sort of coherent picture of a new way ahead. Despite some hard work and progress in isolated fields, the theory and practice of effective resistance have remained disjointed and piecemeal.
Various leaders and organisations have carried out useful experiments and worthwhile initiatives, but these advances have started essentially from ground zero, and in different fields. As a result, it is in no way a criticism of the thought and work that has gone into them to say that the progress that has resulted has thus far tended to remain isolated and fragmentary.
The need to “build communities” is the field in which we have seen the most progress, some of it striking enough to have already produced squeals of anguish from the left. But, with several honourable exceptions, even this has tended to get stuck at the theoretical level. Holding a couple of physical get-togethers a year and hooking up online for some video games is a start, but to describe this as “community building” is to expose a serious lack of understanding of the concept, let alone of real life.
There are some fine examples of counter-power initiatives being built in several places in Europe, but very few nationalists in Britain even know about them, let alone are making any effort to develop similar operations here or to connect them with an overall strategy.
This ends now. This essay provides the blueprint for a serious, constructive, coherent, legal and moral response by active ethno-nationalists to the current plight of our people. I am not for one moment claim to have formulated all these ideas alone. I have adopted some from elsewhere, adapted others and added some which are indeed mine.
But this is the first time they have been brought together and circulated as a coherent strategy manual. Taken as a starting point, discussed, experimented with and put into practice, these proposals will form the foundation stones of a coherent, multi-generational, ethno-nationalist response to the challenges we already face.
More important still, the plan of action which follows is specifically designed to help the indigenous peoples of Britain and Europe through the Convergence of Catastrophes - the Great Replacement; War; Demographic Winter and its ensuing social, financial and employment crashes - which will overwhelm the liberal-consumer-capitalist system. “Winter is coming”, but here is the outline of the long path to Spring.
It is, as you will learn, a threefold approach. As such, there is something that literally everyone can do. Even better, there are things which all existing organisations can do, in their own right and with their existing structures. The sheer range of effort envisaged is such that no single organisation, let alone individual, could possibly attempt to do it all.
Some people will be more suited to, and more inspired by, one part of this plan than the others. Perfect! Make that your mission and set to it, secure in the knowledge that others are working in different fields. While their successes will indirectly help you and all the rest, the inevitable setbacks which will occur in some areas will not for one moment invalidate either the overall collective effort or your own part therein.
I am certainly not demanding that everyone has to come and work under me. Far from it, the key point of this analysis and set of proposals is that they can be used as a guide to effective action not within one separate organisation, nor even just within this country. “Let a thousand flowers bloom”.
This document sets out the three broad strategic fields in which ethno-nationalists need to work in the foreseeable future. It also includes some specific examples of tactical and practical initiatives which can be used to advance in each of the three areas of endeavour.
We will examine each in more detail but, by way of concise introduction, they are:
1) Systematic ideological infiltration of the populist parties;
2) Non-electoral political organisation. This in turn subdivides into i) a campaign on the absolutely central principle of recognition of our rights as indigenous peoples and, ii) a programme for the acquisition by groups of nationalists of assets and skills which will allow them to operate as political and cultural leadership cadres in their own local communities;
3) The development of local and national charities and parallel institutions designed to give our people ethnic consciousness, social cohesion and the beginnings of parallel economic and institutional structures.
I will be developing each of these three subjects over the next few posts here on Nick Griffin Beyond the Pale. Make sure you’re notified, sign up NOW as a free or a much-appreciated paid subscriber.
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