Deadline 2014: The Convergence of Catastrophes and What the BNP Needs to Do, by Nick Griffin
External circumstances are going to produce a political revolution and the British National Party needs to be able to take advantage of the situation, party leader Nick Griffin has said in an important new analysis.
In a document titled Deadline 2004, Mr Griffin provided an overview of the current political circumstances and has mapped out what type of party will be needed to take advantage of those circumstances.
In addition, he has spelled out how much progress has been made in key aspects of our organisation. The document is a long read, but well worth it for all those concerned about the future direction of our party and ultimately our nation
You must have seen it, you must have felt it - everywhere you turn you can see the symptoms of a System in terminal crisis. We are entering an epoch-changing, history-making, period of drastic - almost unthinkable - change. A time our Viking ancestors would have called Ragnarok, the Twilight of the Gods in which an old world goes down in fire and ice, and which the great French political analyst Guillaume Faye describes as the Convergence of Catastrophes.
It matters to us because this multi-headed crisis guarantees a well-organised, well-led and radical alternative to the doomed Establishment parties at least a fighting chance of gaining the power needed to turn things around and offer workable nationalist solutions to the intractable and inherent problems and contradictions of internationalism.
The global financial system is entering the second phase of its disintegration: wealth destruction on an unimaginable scale, combined with the largest transfer of assets from the little people to the already super rich in the history of our planet.
The Euro, in particular, is unlikely to survive. While we'll of course be delighted to see such a hammer blow to the undemocratic Europhile project, that doesn't alter the fact that its death-throws will cause all sorts of damage in the real economy as well as the world of high finance.
The desperate measures of the ConDems to make ordinary people pay the bill for the banksters' criminality, far from helping to deal with the problem, are going to make it worse. The coming 20% VAT rate is only the beginning of the pain. Spending cuts of up to 40% will help drive down government spending, but they will also slash tax receipts, increase the cost and waste of unemployment, and create an explosion of social problems and crime.
Interest rates are already effectively at zero (for savers, not borrowers, because the banks are looking after Number 1) and the sovereign debt mountain make further Quantitative Easing bail-outs impossible without sparking a currency crisis.
The UK's coalition government therefore has no more ammunition in its locker with which to fight the crisis, and nearly everyone else is in the same boat. Cuts are all they have left, but cuts are not just likely to prove politically impossible, they are also all too likely to kill the patient they are supposed to cure.
There is now a very real risk of a period of deflation producing truly grinding poverty as debts continue to grow even as real wealth is destroyed. Then, at some stage beyond that, a last-ditch bout of printing press credit creation is likely to lead to hyper-inflation - a globalised version of the Weimar Republic's infamous wheelbarrows full of banknotes disaster.
The real question is not whether we are going to have a double-dip recession, or a triple-dip recession (Simon Darby's phrase, but you read it here first), but how long it takes before it becomes obvious that this is in fact the Great Depression Mk. II.
Economic Catastrophe & Elite Power Grabs
The Third World and multi-national corporate looting of what remains of the West's manufacturing industry is reaching its destructive climax. The skilled working and middle classes of the nations that gave the world the Industrial Revolution are now obsolete, condemned by internationalist dogma to compete with the endless supply of highly trained but dirt cheap labour of China.
The internationalists - everyone from the Bilderbergers to the European Commission, from the would-be One World Government in the United Nations to the brainwashed Common Purpose cultists in your bankrupt local Health Trust - will press on with their rolling power grab.
Whatever the problem, whether it's a real one like the financial collapse or a phony one like man-made climate change, they will use it as an excuse to take for themselves more power and to impose ever greater burdens of taxation and police state surveillance on the rest of us.
Yet the ever more remote and centralised system they are creating out of the ruins of the Nation State at the end of their wrecking spree not only lacks the democratic mandate and popular sympathy needed to withstand hard . It is also utterly dependent on the abundant, virtually free energy that was the hallmark of the first half of the Oil Age. But it's over.
The End of Cheap Oil - and Multi-Culturalism
The cheap, easy oil has gone forever. Deepwater was not a one-off accident, it is the moment that historians of the collapse of cheap energy globalism will pin-point as the moment Peak Oil ceased to be a theory and became a civilisation-ending fact.
For years, those who have ignored or denied Peak Oil have pointed to the vast reserves still untapped deep below stormy oceans and pretended that there was no difference between these and the oil fields now nearing exhaustion in places like Texas and Mexico. Well, now everyone knows that there is a big difference.
As a result, the coming reluctance to allow the oil companies to exploit other new fields similarly at or beyond the safe limits of drilling technology will lead to an oil price shock the moment there is a hint of a recovery from the forthcoming fresh economic downturn. That in turn will lead to another dash for oil at any price – and in due course to another Deepwater, because that’s what Peak Oil is all about.
In fact, we're not just at Peak Oil. We're at Peak Grain, Peak Copper, Peak Uranium, Peak Fish, Peak Rare Earth Metals. All of which mean we're also inevitably at the Peak of the Milk of Human Kindness. From now on, the liberal elite can organise as many National Brotherhood Weeks as they like; tribalism and Nationalism will be the main currencies of human exchange.
This is when the dark forebodings of the great seers of the 20th Century, true visionaries like Enoch Powell and Jean Raspail, are going to be fulfilled. The multi-cultural experiment may have appeared harmless while there was the money for welfare cheques, brand new community centres and enough police to keep the ghetto-makers in their place.
But now it's about to become a different matter altogether. In England alone, at least a hundred different national and tribal diasporas will each demand their own slice of an ever-shrinking pie. Their imported ancestral hatreds will now fester alongside a growing resentment against the host country for having appeared to be a land of milk and honey, and turned out to be a bankrupt, fried chicken and crumbling concrete slum.
Glass will be broken. Sirens will wail. Cities will burn. The Tiber, and other urban rivers all over Western Europe, will indeed "flow with much blood".
None of this is a recommendation. It's not something we've wanted or worked for. It's not something to which we look forward. Just because we nationalists have long warned of the gathering storm does not mean that we caused it. It is a description of what is going to happen, not a prescription for what should happen.
Clash of Civilisations
It is also a description that everyone outside the ivory towers of the intellectuals knows in their heart of hearts is going to be accurate. Particularly thanks to the crowning folly of all of the evil works of those who set out to deconstruct and destroy Western culture and civilisation, and the peoples who produced them: The deliberate breaching of the old dividing lines between the West and Islam.
On the one hand they have given us mass immigration on a scale that has turned London, Paris, Berlin, Amsterdam and hundreds of other cities and towns into Sharia statelets in waiting. While on the other they are subjecting the Muslim world to economic and military occupations, that seem almost designed to radicalise the 'Islamic street' from Peshwara to Preston.
Having murdered hundreds of thousands of innocent Arab civilians and cannon-fodder conscripts in Iraq, and kept the pot simmering in the Afghan Pipeline War, the criminals in charge are poised to flatten Iran. That move in itself would set of a new version of the 1973 oil crisis, all the worse for the fact that China as well as Japan is heavily dependent on Iranian oil.
However bad the economic impact of the coming attack on Iran, while the superior firepower of 'Western' global capitalism will win the short-term military conflicts in the Middle East, the superior birthrate of the young and well-organised Muslim communities will win the medium-term struggle for the control of the West. In the Clash of Civilisations, demographics are destiny.
No Time for a Soft Party
These then, are the problems which are to us both mortal threat and window of opportunity. They are self-evidently beyond the capacity of a timid, reformist, pro-capitalist civic nationalist party like UKIP or any of the others which come and go every now and again.
They are also beyond the capacity even of a genuine nationalist party if it was to fall for the illusion that electoral power on its own is the Holy Grail. That naive theory is based on the comforting but preposterous idea that, after decades of underhand bullying, goalpost shifting, persecution and subversive infiltration, the Establishment would allow us to contest unhindered a General Election we looked set to win and when we did so give us a congratulatory slap on the back, shake our hands and give us the keys to Number 10.
I hope it doesn't come as a shock when I point out that such touching faith in the innate decency of creatures such as Blair, Brown, Cameron or Clegg is ill-founded. If it does, consider the fate of the Flemish nationalist Vlaams Blok, the most popular and successful political party in the whole of Belgium, banned for being 'a threat to democracy'!
Now, I am not for one moment saying that building our election-winning capability is low on my list of priorities. It is not, as my record of leading the BNP to unparalleled and previous undreamt of electoral successes proves. Winning elections is absolutely crucial, that is not at question, which is why we are working so hard at present to make up for several year's complacency at the top of our Elections Department.
What is at issue is how we can return to winning in the face of the mainstream parties' recent adoption of highly sophisticated call centre and data-handling technologies for voter identification - the key to Labour's wipe out of all the smaller 'alternative' parties across London back in May.
Progress on Building our New Model Election Machine
The answer to that question is one which I outlined in broad terms in a major article on this website very shortly after the election [here]. I am happy to report that Clive Jefferson's new Elections team is making good progress with the first stage of the practical implementation of our plans for future progress.
Much more good news on that front will be forthcoming in due course. For now though, let us come back to the equally crucial point that there is more than coming to power and then being able to use it effectively than simply winning elections.
For a start, there is the fact that a nationalist party whose strength is purely in the ballot box can be painlessly and effortlessly denied its democratic breakthrough by the simple expedient of being banned.
Please note that this is not in any way a call for or some coded hint in favour of armed insurrection or terrorism. Such schoolboy nonsense is not for us, indeed, it is not for anybody in the near total surveillance state which is modern Britain.
Rather, it is a simple fact of recent history that tyrannies (and the EU and its puppet regime in Westminster are tyrannies, albeit at present chocolate coated ones with pink fluffy camouflage on their weapons of coercion) are overthrown not by tiny secretive and violent minorities (the Bolshevik model), nor by ballot-paper wielding majorities (the naive model).
Far more common are mass street protests, often characterised by the wearing of a symbolic colour, backed up by strike action in key sectors such as transport and power. Invariably these are legitimised either by prior but undemocratically frustrated electoral success for the opposition, or by the regime's obdurate refusal to allow elections that they know they would lose. Very often there is also sufficient sympathy for the protesters within the low and middle levels of the army that even that last resort of the tyrant is not an option to the regime.
It is perhaps reasonable to assume that, in a state with a far longer history of genuinely democratic institutions and a residual higher than usual respect for the rule of law, the mere possibility or threat of such mass popular action would be enough to force the parties of a democratically defeated internationalist system to go quietly.
That would certainly fit in with the British political tradition, and remains a possibility, but it is absurd to believe that anything less would compel the Establishment to respect the wishes of the British people to undo the slow motion PC revolution of recent decades.
What Is Needed to Run the Country?
There is also the question of running the country having been elected to do so. A future electoral victory may be registered with a majority at Westminster, or by a pan-European coalition of nationalists in the EU Parliament. In either case, the number of people required to represent and put into legislation the wishes of millions of voters would only be a few hundred.
But to apply that legislation would take several hundred thousand people. Whatever the constitutional fiction, the modern state is not run and directed by elected representatives. The real power to apply or frustrate the will of the majority lies with the civil servants who brief Ministers and put their wishes into action - or not, with the programme controllers and editors who decide what the public hear and see, or with the teachers who shape the minds of the next generation of voters.
This is why even a successful electoral takeover, in itself, cannot be enough to replace even the most disastrously bad internationalist puppet regime with a nationalist one. For if the real levers of power remain in the hands of individuals who remain ideologically committed to the old order of liberal multi-culturalism and corporate greed, then new laws will simply be ignored, much needed reforms will be botched or stalled, and even basic and popular electoral pledges are likely to be unfulfilled.
The Libertarian Alliance spokesman Dr. Sean Gabb has written persuasively on this subject in his must-read book Cultural Revolution, Culture War - how conservatives lost England and how to get it back, which includes some thoroughly practical proposals for dealing with this problem. This includes simply adopting a slash and burn approach to vast swathes of the machinery of the PC and tax-eating servile state. This would not only radically cut the tax bill, but also drastically reduce the number of positions of bureaucratic influence which the incoming nationalist government would have to fill.
Even with the adoption of such a strategy, however, there are still a huge number of posts that would have to be filled - or at least overseen - by committed nationalists in order to translate a short-lived electoral triumph into the power and long-term influence needed to push through the broad spectrum nationalist counter-revolution that is the only antidote to the destructive left-liberal cultural and political coup d'etat of recent decades.
Where are we to find the skilled and experienced manpower to do this? To an extent by dint of the fact that the level of public support sufficient to allow us an electoral victory would also be reflected in the attitudes of the people who run the country. But we cannot rely on that alone.
For it is one thing to vote for a radical party at a crisis election, and quite another to play an active role in undoing decades of brainwashing and deliberate destruction. The backbone of the nationalist revolution must therefore be provided by trained cadres, committed nationalists who are not only ideologically sound but also have practical experience of running organisations, handling budgets, training teachers or whatever field they are needed to sort out.
The ideological training can be provided relatively easily through internal party institutions, but the practical experience can only be obtained by years of work before the Great Day in our own parallel institutions. Community organisations, trade union branches, indigenous civil rights campaigns, alternative media outlets and similar counter-culture initiatives examined in brief below, are thus not just of value in their own right during our rise to power. They are also needed to provide the training grounds for people and the testing grounds for ideas and tactics which will be needed to wield that power successfully afterwards.
These are the facts of real politics, and anyone who denies them with fantasies of a fair and honest Establishment allowing us a steady and unimpeded electoral rise to power is either a naïve fool or a plant trying to lead us into a blind alley.
Having established these points, it is time to move from big picture strategy and look at where we are now in purely practical terms.
Two Different Kinds of Progress
In brief, the rise of the BNP will in due course be divided into two parts by movement historians. The first, from 1999 to the beginning of 2008, for all that it also saw some significant organisational steps forward in relative terms, was essentially a narrative of political advances. The second, from 2008 through to now, despite including the greatest political breakthrough so far with two MEPs elected, will be seen to have been significant overwhelmingly on account of the giant leaps forward in terms of central administrative organisation.
How did this come to pass? In brief, back at the start of 2008 I agreed on behalf of the BNP a contract with a professional fund-raising and management firm, the Midas Consultancy. Run by a fiery Ulster Scot with extensive campaigning experience in the pro-life movement, this has revolutionised the party's central structure over the last two years.
Our fund-raising has soared from a couple of hundred thousand pounds a year to a staggering £1.6 million last year. Various measures to show our members they are truly valued has cut our annual drop-out rate for a shocking 70% per year at the start of that period to a mere 17% per annum last year. The money that Jim Dowson has saved us through his cost-cutting advice and stopping people ripping us off has more than covered the total cost of his professional fees.
As a direct result, we have been able to invest in innovations such as a hugely sophisticated database of members and supporters, our Call and Dispatch Centre in Belfast, effective staff monitoring to ensure that we get value for members' money, and accountancy procedures which give us the same level of financial oversight and transparency as a multi-national corporation, have transformed the effectiveness of the party centre.
The last key pieces of the jigsaw are now being put into place. Perhaps the most important is that, we have just had our first full year of not just having our financial affairs in order in accountancy terms but also of having absolutely every single transaction entered electronically as it has happened.
This means that, for the first time ever in the history of British nationalism, we not only can show that our financial affairs are conducted with complete probity, we are also now in the position to use that full year's figures to work out cash flow forecasts and budgets for the future and to plan ahead, rather than constantly working by guesswork and living from hand-to-mouth.
To anyone with serious business experience this may all sound fairly basic, but for a political organisation, staffed and run by people used to working with politics and ideals, this is a huge step forward.
A Dedicated Team for Staff
The second huge advance which will start to kick in shortly is that we have finally created a team, headed by popular persecuted BNP teacher Adam Walker, backed by Solidarity trade union's employment law specialist Patrick Harrington (who himself is a nationalist old hand who achieved national prominence over his brave and successful fight as a young student against the bigots of the far-left for the right to an education at the University of North London), to put the management and motivation of our staff on a professional footing.
Very early in the Midas contract, Jim Dowson and I decided that we had to get the party's administrative centre straight before working on ways to raise the efficiency of the BNP's regional and local operations. This work of dragging the party centre into the 21st century has not been easy.
The process of imposing even fairly basic commercial employment disciplines (such as time sheets and forward planners) on people who are at heart still political volunteers rather than paid administrative bureaucrats has not always been without friction. But it had to be done. I do not believe that I, or any other party leader, has the right to waste members' money employing individuals who are lazy, incompetent or insubordinate.
Fortunately, while there are still some minor failings to address and gaps to fill, the work of professionalising the central administration is now more or less done. Which means that it is now time to move on to the even bigger job of professionalising our regional and local structure.
This too has to be done. I dread to think, for example, how many members we have failed to sign up in the past because we spend so much of our time in heavy politics to grasp that most people don't get involved in a cause on account of careful consideration of political literature, but because they pick up the enthusiasm and follow the example of a friend who is already involved and who invites them to a social occasion where they suddenly find that they belong and feel at home.
I shudder at the thought of how many new recruits have dropped out after a year because their local organiser didn't bother to contact them or failed to involve them in suitable meetings or activities.
Did you know that, for all our years of canvassing, we have never instituted a programme to train canvassers in elementary sales techniques such as how to overcome objections and to 'close the deal'? Incredible, isn't it? But don't these facts also show how much so far unfilled potential there is just waiting to be tapped?
Once again, however, it won't be easy. There will of course be resistance from the conscious opposition infiltrators and grasses whose job it is not only to provide the inside tidbits that so often grace the pages of Searchlight, but also to agitate against any development that is good for the party.
And we will also get trouble from those individuals will be unable to cope with moves to efficiency or who will resent the monitoring and the targets that will follow the explanations and the training we will provide.
The problem is that we have to break through such personally motivated negativity if our party is truly to become the super efficient machine we need to overcome the thoroughly underhand treatment we all have to endure at the hands of our opponents.
This is the key reason for my decision to step down as party leader at the start of 2014. It gives me a tight three year schedule in which to oversee and take the inevitable flak that will arise from this essential modernisation programme. It is going to make me very unpopular among those officials who cannot or will not raise their game. But it has to be done, and we cannot afford to wait any longer.
My remaining job as the leader who has made this party a winner is to clear the decks and build the organisational superstructure for my successor (who, incidentally, contrary to black propaganda put out by our far-left opponents and those with personal axes to grind, will neither be a member of my family or a recently promoted youngster, however able). This, rather than the political progress made so far, is the real legacy that I intend to create and hand on to the next in the hot seat.
With that done it is then my intention to concentrate completely on my North West constituency in the run-up to the European Elections in June 2014, and hopefully to go on to lead the larger BNP group that is going to be at the centre of a more powerful nationalist resistance block within the European Parliament.
Fighting the EU Superstate
For the plan to create and impose the EU superstate is now so far advanced that it is increasingly likely that the combination of electoral pressure and mass action visualised above as our most likely route to power will not come about at the level of isolated individual nations, but simultaneously across the whole of Europe.
After all, even before the advent of the broadcast media, the national revolutions of 1848 and the Bolshevik ones of 1917 swept across Europe like wildfire, as did later upheavals such as 1968 and the collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1989.
Most significant of all, while the latter two waves of protest and upheaval rolled from one end of the continent to another partly with the help of now old-fasioned broadcast media, they lacked the huge advantage of websites, social networking and mobile phones which are likely to be the main weapons of the freedom fighters of the coming anti-federalist backlash.
All of which makes it at least possible that our liberation from EUrabia - and the simultaneous collapse of what will by then be its totally discredited puppet regimes at a national level - will not come about through our efforts in the UK alone, but through co-ordinated action right across the new Evil Empire.
But, of course, such great moments in history don't just happen, they have to be made to happen. And that's not just by the briefly awakened and momentarily brave crowds who throng the streets and the polling booths at the moments of highest drama. More important still are those who do the groundwork and sow the seeds of organised dissent while the Crowd is still asleep or turning away in fear from the tyrants.
That is our historic role and mission. It is rarely dramatic, and it is never easy. But what needs to be done is clear enough, and so is our collective determination to do it.
My Plans for the Next Three Years - and How YOU Can Help
Exactly what that means in terms of my plans for the British National Party over the next three years will appear in a major article in the forthcoming edition of Identity (sent free to all BNP members).
In the meantime, the starting point has to be to concentrate on turning as many as possible of our 10,000 General Election follow-ups into new members, because plans need people to become reality.
They need to be telephoned by locals to follow up the calls they've already had from our Call Centre. They need to be visited by existing BNP members remarkably like them. Most of all, they need to be invited, and gently dragged, to small-scale social gatherings as near to their homes as possible.
They want to belong, but they are scared of the images conjured up even in thoroughly sympathetic brains by years of media brainwashing.
It may seem a strange way to end this essay that began with heavyweight concepts like the Convergence of Catastrophes, but the way around that is not to try to take them straight away to a noisy political rally, but to hand them a plate by the barbeque and to give them a beer.